During its tenure, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) positioned itself as the vanguard of accountability, justice, and transparency. It wielded these principles as weapons against its political adversaries, framing their arrests, media blackouts, and crackdowns on dissent as necessary steps for national progress. However, as the tables have turned, PTI now finds itself ensnared by the very tactics it employed against its opposition. This reversal has exposed a glaring contradiction: the party that set the stage for targeted politics and political victimization is unwilling—or perhaps unable—to withstand its own standards.
When PTI assumed power in 2018, it adopted an aggressive approach toward opposition parties, particularly the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). Prominent leaders such as Nawaz Sharif, Maryam Nawaz, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, and Rana Sanaullah faced arrests on corruption charges. Rana Sanaullah’s arrest in 2019 under dubious drug trafficking allegations became emblematic of what many described as politically motivated persecution. PTI ministers, including Shahryar Afridi, staunchly defended these actions, claiming they were rooted in “solid evidence” that later failed to hold up in court.
For PTI, this strategy of aggressive accountability was framed as a national necessity. Imran Khan repeatedly labeled the opposition as a “mafia” resisting accountability, often declaring that Pakistan could not progress without rooting out their corruption. Fawad Chaudhry and Shah Mehmood Qureshi, among others, justified the arrests as part of the government’s mandate to dismantle a corrupt dynastic system. However, critics argued that PTI’s relentless focus on corruption was less about justice and more about sidelining political rivals.
Fast forward to today, and PTI leaders, including Imran Khan himself, find themselves in a similar position. The PML-N-led government has accused PTI of corruption, mismanagement, and incitement to violence, leading to arrests and legal action against its top leadership. The same rhetoric PTI once used against its opponents is now being hurled back at it, and the party is struggling to navigate this political onslaught.
During its rule, PTI regularly suppressed opposition protests, employing containers to block roads and disrupt marches. The Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) rallies were repeatedly thwarted under the guise of maintaining law and order. PTI leaders defended these measures, arguing that opposition protests were attempts to destabilize the government.
However, when PTI transitioned to the opposition, it found itself on the receiving end of the same tactics. The PML-N-led government has used containers to block PTI’s protests, justifying the move as necessary to prevent violence. The irony is palpable: the party that once dismissed accusations of stifling dissent now accuses the government of undermining democratic freedoms. PTI’s inability to reconcile with this reversal highlights its unpreparedness to endure the very restrictions it once imposed on its rivals.
Under PTI’s rule, the media faced significant challenges. Journalists critical of the government, such as Matiullah Jan, were harassed, and opposition narratives often struggled to find airtime. PTI justified these actions by accusing the media of spreading “fake news” and undermining national interests. Fawad Chaudhry famously declared that “freedom of the press does not mean freedom to malign institutions,” framing media restrictions as a necessary countermeasure against misinformation.
Now, as PTI faces a similar media blackout, the party’s frustration is evident. Opposition protests and narratives find limited coverage, and journalists sympathetic to PTI have reported harassment. Yet, the party’s protests against media suppression sound hollow, given its own track record. The standards PTI set during its rule are now being applied to it, revealing a political ecosystem where repression is cyclical and self-perpetuating.
Perhaps the most striking reversal lies in the domain of accountability. PTI’s anti-corruption drive was the cornerstone of its political narrative. It celebrated the arrests and convictions of PML-N leaders as evidence of its commitment to justice. However, these actions were widely criticized as selective and politically motivated.
Today, PTI leaders face corruption allegations of their own, ranging from financial mismanagement to irregularities in projects like the BRT system in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The party has decried these investigations as a “witch hunt,” but this claim mirrors the defense used by its political opponents during PTI’s rule. By setting a precedent of using accountability as a political tool, PTI has found itself ensnared in the same trap, struggling to shield itself from the tactics it once employed.
What becomes clear is that PTI was unprepared to face the consequences of the political environment it helped create. Its reliance on targeted politics, media manipulation, and the suppression of dissent set a dangerous precedent that subsequent governments have eagerly adopted. The party’s current predicament is not merely a result of its political adversaries’ actions but a reflection of its own governance strategies coming back to haunt it.
The broader issue, however, goes beyond PTI. The cyclical nature of political victimization in Pakistan has created an environment where no party is immune to the tactics it once used against its rivals. This entrenched pattern undermines democratic norms, reducing accountability to a tool for political retaliation rather than genuine reform. For PTI, the tables have undeniably turned. Its struggle to endure the tactics it once championed is a lesson in the dangers of setting self-serving precedents. Until Pakistan’s political parties break free from this cycle, the country’s democracy will remain trapped in a perpetual tug-of-war, with accountability and freedoms as the ultimate casualties.
Sehr Rushmeen, an Islamabad based freelance researcher, did her MPhil from National Defence University (NDU) in Strategic Studies and her BSc from University of London (UOL) in International Relations. Her area of research interest is Strategic Nuclear Studies, Artificial Intelligence in Warfare, Conflict Zone in Middle East, South China Sea and South Asian Politics. Has several publications in renowned regional and international newspapers and magazines.